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In both of them, there are the thought of sharing the risks they cannot get up over the top of people with others. However, this GENE union does not come to the manner that both contracts are the same. The monarry also said the shopping and interest is the same. But it is obvious that two are different things from each other. When the individual system is created, some contract types of contract are located in the Islamic civilization. The individual has some common aspects that they are not exactly similar to these systems. Because the issue is considered to be useful in terms of better understanding, the individual applies were briefly discussed. The various models of the individual and each model have their specific form of operation. The most commonly used models related to the individual are proxy, mudaneba and the combination of these two models of these two models. In Figure 2, the mode of operation of the Karma Tekapolı model has been shown in a simple manner. The most important principle that separates the individual from the conventional insurance is based on voluntary basis. The ownership of Teberru collected from the participants belongs to the participants. If the system is based on the attorney agreement, the Tekapolı Company is receiving the power of power of power. After the necessary expenditures from the fond of the individual, it is directed to the investment instruments suitable for Islamic procedures. In addition, the amount of funds remaining at the end of the year / period is also distributed to participants according to the agreement or transferred to the year. If mudorebe uses the individual model, the individual company will initially not receive any proxy fee. If only the attorney model is using the investment vehicles, the profit of the car from investment will not receive a share. The mixed method is both profitable and a proxy charge. Figure-2 shows the basic working structure of a mixed individual model. Different models can be developed other than the operating models of the basic individual system tried to summarize in FIG. These models receive their names from the consultations they are installed on them. However, the most used model in the sector consists of proxy, muduebe and mixed models.

1.3. Comparison of individual and conventional insurance The comparison of the individual and conventional insurance in the following table was made in various angles. Although these two systems are considered to see the same function to see the same function, there are also features that are found from the base as can be seen from the table Table – 1: Comparison of the individual and conventional insurance

The legal regulations set for the individual may not differ from the country to the country. In addition, an Islamic counseling board is required.

A balance sheet and two income statements are available. The income of the company and participants is calculated separately. In some countries, AAOIFI standards must be implemented.

Contributions must be transferred to the Retecapular company. However, in the absence of the Retecapular company, islamic jurists allowed to work with conventional reinsurance companies with certain conditions.

2. Insurance-like Applications In Islamic Law, the experts who informed the fetva or the relevant opinion of the insurance related to insurance, show their views as an active implementation of their views in the past in Islamic societies as a basis. The understanding of these two concepts is important in terms of understanding the point of view of Islamic jurists.

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In other words, interest (Riba), money-money purchases show additional money added to the principle, in the process of replacing the goods with the goods, it is the name of the extra requested property. The reason for the prohibition of this Islamic religion of this extra requested goods or money is based on the damage to the moral, social and economic life. (Eskici, 2007: 10)

The contemporary interest-free financial institutions have occurred for the first time in the 1942s. The first-rate bank-based bank was established in 1963 by Ahmad Enablar to save the manufacturers in the countryside in the Mit-Gamr town of Egypt in 1963. Of German savings banks II. The most affected by the role in the rapid development of Germany after World War I was associated with the economic and cultural values ​​of Islam in the rapid development of Germany. Support from Germany during the bank’s organization phase. However, the Germans who understands the EN-Naccar is in the effort to implement the interestless Banking thought. This first interest-free bank established by Ennaccar has continued its four years’ activities in 1967. However, this first experiment has been pioneered to establish other interest-free banks. (Bayındır, 2005: 41) The Islamic Banks have started to occur worldwide organizations worldwide together with the beginning of the 1970s. Similarly, the funds of the savings in banking are evaluating the funds with the principle of financing without interest-free financing and sharing the profit or damage consisting of financing methods. In this way, participation banks have been a complement to the classical interest banks by gaining both inert funds to the economy, as well as the new financial instruments of the funds that are gained in the economy to the economic financial instruments with the new financial instruments in the economy to invest in the economy to invest in the economy loans and developed an alternative market. In addition, the fund disbursed the sector to be in nourishing properties may indicate the horizontal and vertical mobility both, which in addition to particular moral, gambling and alcohol, such as production units and financing relationships to enter them and fund utilization methods provided by the economic dynamics and crises and resistance has developed against speculative fluctuations, economic to Turkey’s economy and people In addition, and in the social sense, it has been positive contributions to the Turkish finance market by expanding the service range of the banking sector to its customers by submitting the alternative financing instruments that conventional banks are not presented to their customers. (Ulusever, 2009: 1) 3rd Sukuk is based on the Islamic financing methods with secured securities; It is the interest-free capital market tool that provides medium or long-term, fixed or variable returns. Sukuk shows to have an asset or the right to benefit from it. The right in Sukuk is not only the cash flow but also the right of property. (Sevil, 2013: 128) Sukukta is basically three sides. (Sevil, 2013: 129) – Organization owner of the presence; Lower (public institutions and organizations, municipalities, private and public sectors, etc.), – special purpose organization, SPE (Sukuk exporting and liable for Sukuk receivers with liable buyers) and – Sukuk Certificate area investors).

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The economic aspects of this imperialism will be analyzed in a later chapter. For the moment, it suffices to note that this resurgence of imperialism greatly expanded the world market system, with Europe at its center.

From a certain perspective, the industrialization process of the 19th century was a European phenomenon. (The fact that by the end of the century the United States had become the first industrial nation does not alter the question, since its culture is basically European.) A bold historian has even calculated the gross “national” product of Europe in the century XIX (see figure 9.1). Although such calculations are easy to criticize in detail for the inadequacy of their sources, the two main features of Figure 9.1 are undoubtedly broadly correct: first, the numerous short-term fluctuations, and second, the sustained long-term growth.

Figure 9.1 Europe’s gross national product index (1899-1901 = 100). De Paul Bairoch, “Europe’s Gross National Product: 1900-1975,” Journal of European Economic History, 5 (Fall 1976), p. 288.

However, from another perspective, industrialization was basically a regional phenomenon, as we have already commented on previous pages (see pp. 207-208). The regions in question could be located within a single nation, as in the case of southern Lancashire county and its adjacent areas, or they could overlap national boundaries, such as the Austrasian Coal Basin, which extends from the English Channel in northern France to the Ruhr area, through Belgium and western Germany. For many historians, regional analysis is the most satisfactory means of understanding the industrialization process. There is still a third perspective, the most conventional, from which to study the industrialization process: to consider it in terms of national economies. This method has the disadvantage of the possibility of neglecting the international and supranational ramifications of the process, and ignoring or belittling its regional dynamics, but it has two powerful advantages as a counterpart. The first is the purely technical one that most quantitative descriptions of economic activity are collected and calculated in terms of national economies. The second, and more fundamental, is that the institutional framework of economic activity and the various policies aimed at influencing the direction and character of that activity are normally situated within national borders. Fortunately, the three approaches are not mutually exclusive.

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There was a new rapid growth that continued until the end of 1881. During this period, the railway network went from about 3,000 kilometers to more than 27,000 and the telegraph from 2,000 to 88,000. The construction of railways provided a powerful stimulus to the rest of the economy, both directly and indirectly. The steel industry completed the transition to coke smelting in the 1850s, and in the 1860s and 1870s adopted the Bessemer and Martin processes for the production of cheap steel. Iron and coal production multiplied by four during those years, reaching 20 million tons of coal and two million of iron. Foreign trade, benefiting from continuous improvements in communications and transportation, increased by more than 5% annually, and France, which was still the second largest nation in the world in terms of volume of trade, slightly increased its share in trade. worldwide, going from 10 to 11%. Taking the period from 1851 to 1881 as a whole, France’s income and wealth grew faster than in the entire century, averaging 2-4% per year.

The depression that began in 1882 lasted longer and probably cost France more than any other in the 19th century. In the beginning it looked like other minor recessions that began with financial panic, but a number of factors emerged that complicated and prolonged it: plagues that seriously affected the wine and silk industries for almost two decades, large losses in investments abroad due to government defaults and railway bankruptcies, the general return to protectionism in the world and, specifically, the new French tariffs and a strong trade war with Italy between 1887 and 1898. Foreign trade declined and remained almost stagnant for more than fifteen years and, with the loss of foreign markets, domestic industry also stagnated. Capital accumulation fell to the lowest point in the second half of the century. Prosperity would finally return, just before the end of the century, with the expansion of the Lorraine mines and the advent of new industries, such as electricity, aluminum, nickel and automobiles. France once again enjoyed a growth rate comparable to that of 1815-1848, if not 1851-1881.

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Treasures of the gutter. Otis maintains that his intention is to give a voice to those who have no voice, to rescue voices that are muzzled or who are in danger of fading. Storyteller for storytellers, that’s how you have been defined sometime somewhere. And so it is, in a way: an exquisite secret known only to a few. And that is also his wonderful (and essential) podcast series Thanks for Giving a Damn (which is already in episode 144), in which, as one of those brave anthropologists who captured the stories of the old tribes with his tape recorder, Otis has treasured the anecdotes and wisdom of the people he has always admired (Guy Clark, Merle Haggard, Doug Sahm, Utah Phillips, Allen Ginsberg, John Lomax III, and so many others). Indeed, “thank you because you don’t give a damn.” Thank you for doing something so that all of this does not end up going down the drain of fads and the ephemeral. Mount Renraw is, again, an austere and radical album, a la Woody Guthrie or the first Dylan, gruff voice and guitar, without concessions. Music redeemed from the landfill. Parts released from the great American scrapyard. Since we met him in 2008 with his Grandpa Walked a Picket Line (oh my, what a great album), Otis Gibbs is, without a doubt, one of our leading artists. It does not fail.

That life is full of shit is no secret. There are several things that prove it. Donald Trump and his inauguration concert, without going any further. And Rolling Stone magazine, which in its day might be whatever it was, but not even for the lining today. The fact is that at the beginning of this week we woke up with the painful news of the death of Greg Trooper (pancreatic cancer; I estimate that it was probably aggravated by the discovery of the Trump concert setlist and the foreshadowing of the horror that is coming upon us … ), a great one (and double or triple great because of how good people they were; I remember talking about it with Jesús Llorente, when he brought him to the Tanned Tin, damn, what a shame), and the worthy wise men of the aforementioned magazine, so mythical she, no They came up with something else when they broke the news, because the world is that ugly, than to say that one who wrote songs for Vince Gill and Steve Earle had died at 61. The Steve Earle thing still, because we like it.

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Treasures of the gutter. Otis maintains that his intention is to give a voice to those who have no voice, to rescue voices that are muzzled or who are in danger of fading. Storyteller for storytellers, that’s how you have been defined sometime somewhere. And so it is, in a way: an exquisite secret known only to a few. And that is also his wonderful (and essential) podcast series Thanks for Giving a Damn (which is already in episode 144), in which, as one of those brave anthropologists who captured the stories of the old tribes with his tape recorder, Otis has treasured the anecdotes and wisdom of the people he has always admired (Guy Clark, Merle Haggard, Doug Sahm, Utah Phillips, Allen Ginsberg, John Lomax III, and so many others). Indeed, “thank you because you don’t give a damn.” Thank you for doing something so that all of this does not end up going down the drain of fads and the ephemeral. Mount Renraw is, again, an austere and radical album, a la Woody Guthrie or the first Dylan, gruff voice and guitar, without concessions. Music redeemed from the landfill. Parts released from the great American scrapyard. Since we met him in 2008 with his Grandpa Walked a Picket Line (oh my, what a great album), Otis Gibbs is, without a doubt, one of our leading artists. It does not fail.

That life is full of shit is no secret. There are several things that prove it. Donald Trump and his inauguration concert, without going any further. And Rolling Stone magazine, which in its day might be whatever it was, but not even for the lining today. The fact is that at the beginning of this week we woke up with the painful news of the death of Greg Trooper (pancreatic cancer; I estimate that it was probably aggravated by the discovery of the Trump concert setlist and the foreshadowing of the horror that is coming upon us … ), a great one (and double or triple great because of how good people they were; I remember talking about it with Jesús Llorente, when he brought him to the Tanned Tin, damn, what a shame), and the worthy wise men of the aforementioned magazine, so mythical she, no They came up with something else when they broke the news, because the world is that ugly, than to say that one who wrote songs for Vince Gill and Steve Earle had died at 61. The Steve Earle thing still, because we like it.

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Its main export was wood, with some wood pulp at the end of the century. The Habsburg monarchy, like Germany, exhibited great regional variations. At the beginning of the 19th century, about three-quarters of the workforce in the Austrian half of the empire (including Bohemia and Moravia) were engaged in agriculture, and an even higher proportion did so in the Hungarian half. In 1870, when Austria’s figure had fallen to about 60%, Hungary had just reached the position that Austria had at the turn of the century. On the eve of the First World War, the proportion in Austria itself and in Bohemia had fallen below 40%, but it was still above 60% in Hungary. Growth in total agricultural output and per worker appears to have been reasonably satisfactory throughout the nineteenth century in both halves of the empire. The peasant population constituted an adequate, if not dynamic, market for textiles and other consumer items. The Hungarian half of the monarchy “exported” agricultural products, especially wheat and flour, to the Austrian half of the empire in exchange for manufactured goods and capital investment. The failure of the empire as a whole to develop a solid agricultural export base can be attributed mainly to two factors: difficulties in transportation, and the fact that the domestic market absorbed the bulk of production. Austro-Hungarian agriculture, like industry, faithfully reflected the empire’s intermediate position between east and west.

As we have already indicated, Spain, Portugal and Italy, to which Greece can now be added, similar in many respects, did not undertake significant agrarian reform in the 19th century. With more than half the population engaged in agriculture still in the early years of the 20th century, its productivity and income levels remained among the lowest in Europe. Such populations could not serve as prosperous markets for industry, much less provide capital for the latter. Although the four countries exported some fruits and wine, for which they had a suitable climate to produce, all continued to depend partly on imports for their grain supply. The small countries of southeastern Europe remained mired, even to a greater extent than those of the Mediterranean, in backward and unproductive agriculture that provided neither markets for industry nor an appreciable surplus of food, raw materials, or labor for markets. urban.

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However, it is important to recognize the large regional variations in industrialization within England itself, as well as the very diverse directions of economic change in the various constituent parts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Within England, the differential rate of change was clearly marked by the importance of the mining basins, located mainly in the northeast (especially Tyneside) and the Midlands, although Lancashire also had significant deposits (see figure 7.11). Lancashire became practically synonymous with cotton, despite also having a significant glass and chemical industry, and although the cotton company in turn had prominent positions in the East Midlands (Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire). The steel industry and its various branches of production were concentrated in the West Midlands (Birmingham and the ‘Black Country’, Shropshire), southern

Yorkshire (especially Sheffield) and the North East (especially Newcastle, which was also a center for the chemical industry). The wool industries tended to be concentrated in the West Riding of Yorkshire (especially Bradford and Leeds) at the expense of the older pre-industrial centers of East Anglia and the West Country. Staffordshire almost monopolized the pottery industry, and was also home to important iron foundries. Cornwall continued to be the most prominent source of tin and copper, but it had few manufacturing industries.

The south, for its part, with the exception of the burgeoning metropolis of London, with its various consumer goods industries (especially beer), remained mainly agricultural, though not poor for that; it had the most fertile soil, the most advanced agrarian organization, and growing urban centers; the sustained demand for food assured the farmers and landowners of the south a good return for their labor and capital. In contrast, the extreme north and northwest, essentially dedicated to pastoralism, lagged behind other regions in income and wealth. Wales, conquered by the English in the Middle Ages, had always been treated as a kind of poor relative. In the second half of the 18th century, the vast mining areas of South Wales laid the foundations for a large iron and steel industry which by 1800 generated a quarter of British production; but it was oriented to the export trade and spawned few industries dedicated to derivative processes. The island of Anglesey contained important copper mines, although most of the ore was smelted in South Wales, near Swansea. The northeast of the country, adjacent to Cheshire and Lancashire, benefited slightly from the abundance of its industries; however, most of the mountainous and barren interior remained poor and grazing.

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And in making the decisions that will shape the course of events, the groups that have power are those that are closely linked to the financial world.

These people in the world of finance, whose lives and professions depend on the health of financial markets, do not care about the social situation in their countries. They do not care about the state of public education, public health, public pensions, or wages.

What matters to them is to continue to maintain a stable financial climate so that they can continue to operate as naturally as they have always done.

And to the extent that they can, they will influence political decisions so that nothing changes in the financial markets, regardless of the cost that this path may mean for other segments of the population.

The mobilization of a few through Twitter, Facebook, blogs and the internet in general, has managed to form a true Fifth Power. That power is capable of doing things never seen before, such as submitting to the other four powers: the Judicial, the Executive, the Legislative and the Press. Tests? The Fifth Power has come to drown television networks, pressure judges, modify laws and even mobilize the people to overthrow a government.

A girl unknowingly mobilizes hundreds of Moldovans to end a corrupt government. Thousands of Internet users join their criticism and manage to stop the advertising revenue of a television program of dubious reputation. Internet users from around the world denounce police abuses in a demonstration while knocking down a legislative initiative that wants to cut Internet rights. The Fifth Power has arrived, it is called a social network and it has already shown how influential it can be.

The first time this influence was demonstrated was on March 11, 2004. The day had only just begun when ten bombs were activated almost simultaneously on several Madrid Cercanías trains. Twelve hours later, several SMS multiplied from mobile to mobile calling a demonstration the next day. It was the first time that citizens used mobile technology to communicate in a viral way.

Others go back ten years to signal the beginning of these online synergies. “In 1994, Geocities created its‘ neighborhoods ’depending on their tastes to combine synergies and share interests and concerns,” says tweeter @Kurioso.

Since then and for eight years, Spanish society has gotten used to social networks and their agility. From that moment something changes in the modus operandi of social movements. AND